To Ursula, with love: Paris sends Brussels the anti-Breton

PARIS — When French President Emmanuel Macron decided to replace Thierry Breton as France’s nominee for European commissioner, he parachuted in a man with a defining feature: He is nothing like Thierry Breton.

Stéphane Séjourné, the former French foreign minister who is vying to take over the powerful internal market portfolio from the brash Breton, is an affable man who has earned praise from friends and foes alike for his deft maneuvering of European Parliament politics.

To his supporters, he is a savvy backroom operator whose in-depth knowledge of the Brussels machinery, ability to forge deals, and strong relationship with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen will help him succeed. Speaking to POLITICO, one of Séjourné’s advisers lauded his boss’ experience in bringing different voices to the table and emerging with “strong compromises.”

To his detractors, however, he is a sheep heading into the wolf’s den — if, that is, any wolves are left alive by the time von der Leyen finishes her current five-year term.

One senior French official said Séjourné “would get eaten up” by von der Leyen as she tightens her control over her College, while an EU diplomat said Björn Siebert, von der Leyen’s powerful chief of staff, would “crush” him at the first opportunity. Both individuals, like others quoted in this piece, spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss a sensitive matter.

A close ally of the French president, Séjourné was tapped in a hurry to become European commissioner and faces an uphill battle to prove his worth. “He is one of the weakest politicians I have ever seen at that level,” the same EU diplomat said. “The European level is [one] that he is simply not up too, it’s beyond his capacities,” he said.

Whichever version of Séjourné, who declined to be interviewed for this profile, emerges during his confirmation hearing on Nov. 12, it will stand in sharp contrast to Breton, his maverick predecessor at the European Commission who was so good at making enemies that he was ousted in a dramatic last-minute standoff that saw von der Leyen offer Macron a bigger Commission portfolio in exchange for Breton’s head.

But whatever one thinks of Breton and his penchant for trolling colleagues and ruffling feathers, there was no denying his ability to get things done using charm or sheer force of personality.

The 39-year-old Séjourné has yet to convince his critics that he will be able to sway Brussels politics in the same way his predecessor did, especially given his tendency to avoid the limelight. Even his romantic relationship with former Prime Minister Gabriel Attal, which made them one of the most identifiable power couples in French politics, played out almost entirely in private.

“He doesn’t like so much … to be in front and to be seen,” said Dacian Cioloș, a former Romanian prime minister and Séjourné’s predecessor as the leader of the Renew group in the European Parliament. “It was not my feeling that he invests energy in his own image, and he wants results, he wants to work in a team.”

What’s more, Séjourné returns to Brussels not basking in recent glory, but licking his wounds after two election defeats and an unremarkable stint as France’s top diplomat.

The centrist Renew Europe group he led for just over two years lost a quarter of its members, including 10 French MEPs, in June’s European election. Séjourné, who still leads Macron’s Renaissance party until a successor is elected in the coming months, also oversaw a defeat at the snap election Macron called in response to that EU-level drubbing. 

Before his nomination as European commissioner, Séjourné’s fortunes appeared on the wane as his position in government and as the head of the Renaissance party were expected to end. 

Our man in Brussels

One of the president’s earliest supporters, Séjourné met him during a job interview in 2014 when Macron was an economy minister seeking to emerge from a political landscape dominated by Socialist heavyweights. Séjourné, the son of a France Telecom manager and a switchboard operator, was one of a band of political wannabes known as the “Macron boys” or “the Mormons,” nicknames they earned because they tended to stick together like a close-knit religious community.

Séjourné’s political fortunes rose steadily under the mentorship of Macron. He first served as an adviser at the Elysée Palace in 2017, then as an MEP for Macron’s Renaissance party in 2019, and finally as president of the Renew group in the European Parliament in 2021. This past January, Séjourné became Macron’s foreign minister — a job he held until new French Prime Minister Michel Barnier unveiled his government last month.

In French political circles, Séjourné’s worth has been indexed to his access to the president. “His appointment created a small shock among diplomats, because he didn’t have the traditional profile. He was neither a great civil servant, nor a veteran politician,” said Michel Duclos, France’s former ambassador to Syria.

“But he gained support with his capacity to listen, his intelligence and, particularly, his access to the president,” he said.

Séjourné has also proven to be a political survivor. While many former protégés in the orbit of the French president have fallen by the wayside, among them former Transport Minister Clément Beaune, Séjourné remains a close ally of Macron.

The two have a familiarity that comes with a relationship built before success, and which makes Séjourné precious to those seeking to influence the president. “Séjourné is the only minister or party chief from across the spectrum who still uses the [familiar pronoun] tu address with the president, kisses him on the cheeks and even interrupts him when he speaks,” an ally of the president said.

But that proximity also raises questions about Séjourné’s independence, and thus the reasons for his nomination. 

Pierre-Henri Dumont, a former conservative lawmaker whose party is aligned with Macron’s, said the president had reached for a close ally to fill Breton’s shoes.

“The president needed to thank a loyalist who had stood fast during the ups and downs of Macron’s political adventure,” said Dumont. “He was appointed as a consequence of the power struggle between Macron and von der Leyen over Breton.”

In Séjourné’s defense, his supporters say influence works both ways. His proximity to Macron also means he can try to exert influence on the French president from Brussels.

Mixed results

Séjourné’s tenure in prominent, high-profile roles in recent months has failed to convince his critics that he’s a capable front-line politician.

He has faced accusations of weak leadership at the head of Macron’s Renaissance party as it suffered a pair of crushing election defeats this year. At the time, Séjourné was also foreign minister, splitting his time between the two jobs. 

“He wasn’t interested in the campaign, he didn’t take part in our campaign stops, in organizing the party. He hardly attended any of the events with [lead European candidate] Valérie Hayer,” a Renaissance party official said.

“And relations really broke down during the snap election, the party just wasn’t ready,” the official said.

But instead of having to pick up the pieces of his political career at home, Séjourné will likely land in Brussels in a prestigious gig guaranteed to last until 2029 — two years after Macron’s mandate ends —if he survives the grilling he’s likely to receive in the parliament.

The commissioner job he’s looking to fill won’t be as powerful as that of his predecessor. Séjourné arrives in Brussels with less direct control over directorates-general than Breton, thanks to von der Leyen’s shrewd reorganization of the Commission. With Macron weakened by difficulties at home, the general consensus in Brussels is that French influence is on the wane.

Still, Séjourné’s supporters are confident his leadership method will help him turn things to his advantage.

“The Séjourné method is to arouse the interest of all his partners … not just lean on one sector to go forward,” the adviser to Séjourné quoted earlier said. “[Séjourné] will work with the entire College if we want to succeed on industrial strategy, because it touches upon innovation, foreign policy, competition.”

In stark contrast to Breton, Séjourné also enjoys a good relationship with von der Leyen, who praised him energetically as she unveiled her team earlier this month. 

“I think that Stéphane will have not only a good relationship with Ursula von der Leyen but also with [incoming Spanish Commissioner] Teresa Ribera,” said Pascal Canfin, a French MEP from Séjourné’s party.

Séjourné will no doubt succeed where Breton failed, in fostering better relations within his new boss. But it’s on the rest that he will judged.

Pauline de Saint Remy, Barbara Moens and Elisa Braun contributed to this report.